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John White

The Great Fire of Dorchester

On the 6th of August 1613 townsfolk gathering in the harvest from fields at Fordington near Dorchester were amazed and shocked to see flames and smoke rising to a great height above their county town. Church bells were also being tolled, but it seems these were barely audible above the roar of the fire and the population’s general panic.

Only a short while before, a candle-maker named Baker had accidentally spilt some boiling tallow at his workshop-home in the town, causing the hot liquid to set light to the timbers of his house. The summer of 1613 had been an exceptionally hot and dry one in England, and as most of the town houses and shops in Dorchester were constructed of wood and thatch the tinder-dry materials readily combusted. It therefore took no time at all for the conflagration at Chandler Baker’s to spread along and across the street. The rapid spread of the fire was further fanned by a strong easterly wind.

These two events or vignettes of town and country life were to presage what has been called the Great Fire of Dorchester, which preceded that of London by 53 years but which, when taking account of the relative sizes of the two population centres, was proportionately the more devastating. But the earlier of the two fires was not just a local catastrophe, estimated by the Dorset cleric and historian John Hutchins to have wiped out two-thirds of Dorchester, razing three hundred homes to the ground at a cost of £200,000. It was also to have repercussions for the political and spiritual state of the realm, for religious persecution, emigration, even for setting the course of subsequent trans-Atlantic history in the three decades up to the Civil War.

It is possible however, that Hutchins was over-zealous in his estimate of the number of buildings burnt down, but when the fire was finally extinguished only one of Dorchester’s three churches remained useable. What we do know about this disaster comes mainly from a Hampshire clergyman, John Hilliard, who left an account in a book entitled: “Fire From Heaven (or a Trumpet Sounding to Judgement”) In his first few lines Hilliard describes how “…on the 6th of August this town flourished in its greatest state, but before three o’clock in the afternoon it was covered in a garment of red flaming fire and all jollities were turned to lamentation”. Hilliard’s use of the phrase ‘Fire from Heaven’ and the apocryphal overtones of the language in which his account is couched is picturesque speech, though very typical for the time. In 17th century England the people were much more God-fearing and scripture-observant than they are today, and disasters involving loss of life, whether natural or man-made, were commonly put down to instances of divine retribution or Acts of God as a matter of course.

By the time most of the homes had been set alight each family was pitched into a dangerous bid to salvage its own possessions. Margaret Toomes, a tenant of the George Inn publican William Smith, is on record as saving her own possessions but without helping to save the inn, though she did loose some linen and other goods. Far nobler was the quick-thinking and courageous act of Nicholas Vawter and John Spicer, the Town Bailiffs who together rolled 40 barrels of gunpowder stored in the Shire Hall to safety away from the flames after wrapping them first in wet sacking. When it was the turn of the county jail to catch alight, all of the prisoners were issued with buckets of water and ordered to help in dowsing the flames. After the jail was saved, five of the inmates were duly pardoned as a reward for their efforts.

Alerted by the flames the harvesters at Fordington, together with the other townsfolk and villagers were soon bringing water from the Frome to quench the fire, forming human chains to carry the bucketfuls. Despite their best efforts most of the county town was in ruins by nightfall. Most of the damage occurred in the eastern part of Dorchester, the parish of All Saints being the worst affected. There was of course no organised fire-fighting service or equipment in the 17th century and another 30 years would elapse before the town council was able to provide a ‘brazen engine’ paid for by the imposition of a corporation tax. But the allocation of compensation to professional people was wildly unfair and disproportionate. For instance, the town’s famous Puritan Rector John White received only £4 in compensation for the minimal damage to Holy Trinity, yet a wealthy town merchant was awarded £350 to re-build his gutted home – nevertheless complaining that this was insufficient to cover his ‘great loss’.

Yet despite the extent of the destruction there was only one loss of life: Cecily Bingham, who was trying to save her shoemaker husband’s stock. But in the aftermath of the tragedy everyone realised that what was needed was a total reformation of the town. In this regard John White’s sermons were to have an evangelically galvanising effect on the governors of Dorchester in their crackdown on ‘drunkards, fornicators and Sabbath breakers’. Ever after, the town fathers would consider it their duty to promote sobriety and godliness in the population. There was to be poor relief, hospitals, and institutions for education. The underlying conviction that the Great Fire was an enactment of God’s judgement led to successive Sundays for several years after being marked by church sermons dominated by the theme of divine admonition and repentance. The physical and financial repercussions of the fire were of lesser significance than the emotional and spiritual effects.

But the Great Fire of Dorchester was to have one other effect, and one reaching far beyond its borders. By the early 17th century the town had become the most Puritanical in England, and was a bastion of the most fervent support for Parliament when in 1641 it raised up arms against the Crown – and the curtain on the Civil War.

Through its influence on John White the blaze was the critical fulcrum for the Puritan Revolution, putting the county town at the forefront of the religious and political schism that was to divide England and much of Europe. For some years there had been a trading settlement in New England, but White’s ambition was to establish a permanent colony in the New World, to be populated by a new stock of the religiously oppressed in his own country. And it was White, in association with Sir Walter Erle and a consortium of Dorchester merchants, who founded the Dorchester Company (later absorbed by the Massachusetts Company) to oversee the re-settlement of new emigrants across the Atlantic in Massachusetts’ twin settlement of Dorchester. Indeed, a high proportion of the emigrants who were to sail from the Dorset coast in the decades before the Civil War broke out were those Dorchester citizens homeless and dispossessed by the fire. Of 130 emigrants to Massachusetts between 1620 and 1650, about 33% went to live in Dorchester. Today the original new Dorchester only survives in the name of a naval base and bay on the Boston waterfront.

A further aim of the Dorchester Company was the propagation of the gospel to native redskin Americans in the New World. In 1620 the colony of Jamestown was founded to the south, leading eventually to the 13 colonies of the embryonic United States of America. Still, one legacy of the fire, and the colonisation of New England by many Dorsetian settlers has been that in the suburbs and outskirts of Boston other transposed Dorset place-names such as Wareham, Milton and Weymouth can be found. Thus the mishap of a lowly candle-maker in an English county town set in train the sequence of events making the USA what it is today.

John White – Minister of the Great Migration

For England the first half of the 17th century was a time of economic slump and religious dissension culminating in seven years of internecine warfare. Dorchester was one of the larger towns and situated at one of the busiest intersections in Dorset. Conversion from arable to pasture by enclosure was commonplace, forcing displaced agricultural workers to seek new employment in the towns. It was this bulge in the population of Dorchester that prompted some civic leaders of the day to call for overseas colonisation.

Against this background enter John White – The Reverend John White in fact, appointed Rector of the parish of Holy Trinity, Dorchester in 1606. He was mostly a moderate Puritan who conformed closely to the Anglican ceremonial and seems to all accounts to have been a charitable and civic-minded minister, attentive to the social conditions of his parishioners. But John White would earn for himself another claim to fame: as the cleric who led the organisation that would play a seminal role in the pilgrim settlement of New England during the first three decades of the 17th century.

John White was born in 1575 at Stanton St. John near Oxford, in the manor house opposite its 13th century church, nephew of Thomas White, Warden of New College, Oxford. Thomas also owned the manor, and it is believed he used his influence to lease the Manor Farm to his brother, John’s father. At first John White was educated at Winchester, he entered New College Oxford, where he resided for the next eleven years as a fellow.

At 31 White became Rector of Holy Trinity and was soon preoccupied in philanthropic activities aimed at improving the lot of the people of Dorchester. For example he persuaded civic officials to establish a free primary school. And following the serious fire that consumed much of the town in August 1613 merchants and councillors rallied around White in his campaign to raise subscriptions for its reconstruction. The fire had levelled his church, along with most public buildings, warehouses and about 170 homes. White’s fund received a £1,000 advance from King James towards the rebuilding work and job re-creation for the homeless and poor. Another free school, almshouses and workhouses were added in the following years.

Wrote Thomas Fuller: “All able poor were set to work and the important maintained by the profit of the public brew house, thus knowledge causes piety, piety breeding industry, procuring plenty into it. A beggar was not to be seen in the town.”

At that time there had been for a number of years a loosely organised band of fishermen carrying out fishing expeditions to the offshore waters of the New England seaboard. In 1623 however, a band of about 120 Dorset men founded Dorset Adventures (or Dorchester Company,) a joint-stock commercial angling organisation with John White as its pioneering leader. Many of the members were relatives of White; yet others were friends or ministerial associates.

Under White, members conceived a plan to set up year-round preparation and salting stations to process cod for English and overseas markets. In 1623 a group of Dorchester Company men sailed in The Fellowship to settle Cape Ann in Massachusetts, being supplemented by more men and supplies in 1624/25, after which the Dorchester Company was disbanded. Its property was then transferred to a new company, later to be known as the Massachusetts Bay Company, set up by John White in the former company’s place. The Dorchester Company had left White personally insolvent.

Two small ships bearing cargoes of provisions were dispatched to the new colony. The patent for the new company was obtained from the Council for New England on March 19th, 1628. On the 20th ships berthed at Weymouth were loaded with provisions ready to set sail for Salem, fulfilling White’s promise to Roger Contant, leader of the Salem settlers, that he would send more supplies.

By the end of 1630 White had become concerned about developments in the colony. The governor of the patent, a former Devon soldier called John Endicott, had sequestrated planter-settler’s gardens and homes for his own use and in the name of the Massachusetts Patentees. The earlier Dorchester planters were not happy with this; their rights as the first settlers had been assured through the influence and help of John White and special grants had been made to them. In 1629 White, with the help of John Humfry, had secured his title with the granting of a royal charter. By this time too, news of the plantation’s success had spread beyond the West Country to attract new settlers from among the London merchant class, clerics, and north and east countrymen.

Although his moderate Puritanism differed from that of the new company members, White was still a respected and intensely engaged member of the reformed company. In August 1629 he attended a meeting at which the company patent and government were transferred from London to New England. But the spiritual winds in New England were changing. White’s hope for a moderate Puritan plantation in Salem was denied by more radical elements in the company, chiefly represented by Endicott and separatist ministers. About this time John White composed “The Planters Plea.”

Then in March 1630 what would become known as the Winthrop Fleet, after the future Governor of Massachusetts John Winthrop, set sail for the colony. Meanwhile, White prepared his own ship, the Mary & Jane to sail with more planter-settlers from the West Country, many of whom were known or personally recruited by him. But frustration over the colony’s growing separatism compelled White to compose a tract called (by its shortened name) “The Humble Request.” The leaders of the Winthrop Fleet were asked to sign this tract in the hope – unrealised as it happened – that it would discourage them from adopting separatist policies once in the New World.

For some reason John White himself never joined the Great Migration. He maintained a watch over the colony’s affairs and lent assistance when needed, energetically mustering provisions for Massachusetts. This led, in 1631, to some people in Dorchester suspecting White of misappropriating parish funds towards the cause. In 1636 and 1637 he was moved to write to Governor Winthrop, taking him to task for not being more tolerant towards those with differing religious dispositions, and for allowing the merchants to over-profiteer. Then in 1633 White refused to comply with an edict from the Archbishop of England to have The Book of Sports read from the pulpit; instead he delivered an outspoken sermon that brought upon him suspicion of non-conformity. White even had his study searched for incriminating evidence. (Note: Book of Sports formally Declaration of Sports an order issued by King James I of England to resolve a conflict about Sunday amusements, between the Puritans and the gentry, many of whom were Roman Catholics.)

John White became a prominent member of the Westminster Assembly of Divines where, according to Anthony Wood, he was “one of the most learned and moderate among them … a person of great gravity and presence, and had always influence in the Puritanical Party near to and remote from him, who bore him more respect than they did to their diocesan.” Callendar, in his historical discourse about Rhode Island, called White “the father of the Massachusetts colony.”

When the Civil War broke out White sided with the Parliamentary cause, during which time his home and study were sacked by a detachment of Prince Rupert’s cavalry under the command of Prince Maurice.

The war over, he went into retirement at his rectory in Dorchester, where he wrote a tract called “The Way to the Tree of Life.” He died on 21st July 1648 aged 63 and was buried beneath the south porch of St. Peters Church in Dorchester.